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Illicit Antiquities |
The Looting of Cultural Material in MaliKléna SanogoInstitut des Sciences Humaines
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The looting of cultural material, from Africa in general and from Mali (Figure 1) in particular, is causing great concern at the present time. Starting with the search for exotic and sensational artefacts by early colonial officials, it is a phenomenon that has grown progressively into a vast commercial enterprise which today has reached proportions which no-one would hesitate to call 'cultural genocide' (Brent 1994). This spectacular escalation in the looting of cultural material is due to several factors, but the two most important would appear to be, on one hand, the existence of the international art market and, on the other, the fact that the idea of patrimony, developed around cultural material and archaeological sites in particular, does not correspond to cultural reality as experienced by the people concerned. This last factor explains much of the destruction that might be termed unintentional, and caused by all types of work (traditional farming, animal husbandry, settlement, quarrying, mineral exploitation, etc.). Unintentional destruction extends, to some degree, right throughout national territory.
As for intentional looting, however, it is motivated by the search for - and acquisition of - cultural objects in order to build a personal collection or else to sell. As stated earlier it goes back to colonial times but its increase is very recent. Initially limited to wooden masks and statuettes acquired because of conversion to Islam or quite simply stolen, the phenomenon has grown throughout the country since the 1970s to include artefacts buried in the ground. This is owing to a combination of two factors: the discovery of terracotta statuettes from Djenné and the impoverishment of rural populations caused by the great drought. Since the 1970s several forms of intentional looting have been observed, of which the collection of surface finds from archaeological sites seems to be the most innocent. It is directed towards material exposed by water running over the surface of sites: jewels (beads in a variety of materials, copper and iron bracelets and rings), ceramics (complete vases or fragments destined to be used as grog), querns and stone grinders. Such collecting is in general practised by women and children in the area of the delta and across the mouth of the Niger. Initially geared towards the satisfaction of local needs, it has recently opened up to the international trade in beads and copper objects which are sold in markets at Léré in the lake region and at Gao. This new orientation will obviously lead to the disappearance of this innocent collecting and drag it inevitably towards increased 'hole-digging'. The illicit excavation of archaeological sites makes up the second form of intentional looting - by far the most destructive and dangerous. Indeed, archaeological artefacts removed from context are forever dead to science. These illegal excavations are undertaken either by individuals acting alone or by organized groups. When it is an individual, sites are disturbed only on the surface because the activity generally consists of extracting objects partially revealed by erosion - usually vases in which it is hoped to find treasure (terracotta statuettes, jewels etc.). Despite the individual nature of this looting it is not uncommon to find entire sites disturbed over their whole surface, especially when close to modern settlements, because sometimes it can happen that everyone in the village who is able tries his hand. The products of this looting are destined for sale to local representatives of antiquities dealers. This type of looting is very extensive in the inland delta region and at the mouth of the Niger (Figure 2). In the inland delta of the Niger, for example, archaeologists estimate that 50 per cent of sites have been affected (Schmidt 1992). In the central south part of the country (in the regions of Koulikoro, Bougouni, Kolondiéba) where the looted monuments are small tumuli, this sort of looting generally leads to total destruction of the site. It is in this way that a whole necropolis (of more than 100 tumuli) has been totally destroyed at Sirakorola (Koulikoro region), by people looking for necks of vases which take the form of zoomorphic statuettes made of terracotta. This means that examples of these statuettes which are today held at the National Museum of Mali derive not from scientific research but from illicit excavations; they have been seized, quite by chance, from the possession of a dealer when the vast majority of the plunder had already crossed the national frontier. The most worrying category of looters, though, are organized groups. Some of the groups work on their own, and those that do so are usually family based. It is a case of true family enterprise with a single person charged with placing the discovered items on the weekly markets of the region concerned.
Secondly, there are groups comprised of people recruited and supported by the antiquities dealers. The latter provide the excavation equipment in return for which all the finds are considered theirs by right. Both types are responsible for truly devastating digs. Sites are destroyed by deep holes which cover the whole surface or they are simply crossed by deep trenches. In both cases, not only are objects removed, but the sites are also permanently lost to scientific research. This kind of pillage is specific to the inland Niger delta region where 45 per cent of the 834 sites registered in an inventory of archaeological sites bear witness to excavation by looters. 17 per cent of looted sites have been destroyed by large-scale excavations (2 per cent of these sites are irreparably damaged because of more than 70 per cent destruction) (Dembélé et al. 1993). The most significant example is that of the site of Natamatao close to the village of Thial (approximately 15 km from the administrative centre of the area of Ténenkou). Here in 1990, after the chance discovery of a terracotta statuette by a peasant, dozens of men from all the neighbouring villages transformed the site into a veritable work camp, with teams operating day and night. These teams had plenty of time to turn over the whole site before the accidental death of one of the workers, as a result of subsidence, drew the attention of the local authorities. There were arrests and an antiquities dealer was convicted. Only a few statuettes were seized (they are currently lodged at the National Museum in Bamako). This intervention by the authorities, however, has been beneficial for the area as there has since been a relative lull in such large-scale looting. But at the same time, plunderers have moved on to areas which are less accessible and rarely monitored by the police. At stake are Mema, the lake region, Farimaké and Guimbala. It is probably this area that is the origin of the bronze statuettes of horse riders currently found on the international art market. Looting occurs, as we have seen, because there is a very profitable international market. However, the actual looters (the first link in the chain), are local people who are completely unaware of the notion of cultural patrimony and are concerned only with problems of survival, and they do not come into direct contact with this market. The intermediaries are the national antiquities dealers who may or may not be aware of what they are doing. They are simultaneously employers of groups of looters, purchasers of objects sold by independent looters and organizers of the illicit channels of export. The first impression that might be gained from this sad tableau is that there is total indifference to the problem on the part of the national authorities. However, as well as its adherence to all international conventions relating to the protection of cultural heritage, the Republic of Mali is one of the few countries of West Africa to have adopted legislation and regulations which, in spite of some imperfections, when suitably applied, can preserve a large part of the cultural heritage from destruction by people and even nature. The relevant statutes are:
Unfortunately the practical implementation of these different statutes is difficult owing to their poor dissemination (there are only French texts available) and to the non-integration of their intention into the people's awareness and way of life. Even the administrative and legal authorities which are, theoretically, charged in the field with control and suppression are barely aware of the question; moreover, they lack technical competence in the matter (an officer of the law or a customs official is incapable of distinguishing between an authentic piece and a copy). In fact, legislation allows the sale of ethnographic material and copies of archaeological artefacts. Antiquities dealers make the most of this in order to export objects of which sale is forbidden. It is sufficient for them to acquire an export license from the Cultural Heritage Services (currently the National Museum in Bamako) on presentation of ethnographic artefacts or copies. Parcels are not sealed at the National Museum and this service has no control over export - objects presented are simply replaced by authentic pieces when they are packed. If the dealer does not wish to take such a risk then he can quietly cross the frontier overland, as Mali does not possess the means necessary to police its enormous frontier. Thus we can appreciate the seriousness of the dangers which threaten the cultural heritage of all Africa, and of Mali in particular, all the more because it is impossible to produce the documents confirming ownership of exported objects. The ultimate solution to the problem of looting would seem to be the removal of demand. In reality the situation is strangely reminiscent of slavery: Europeans and Americans bought and employed slaves because there were, in Africa, both sellers of slaves and slaves for sale: Africans fought with each other to form themselves into 'herds' of slaves because there were buyers who offered interesting things in exchange. One knows the outcome, or rather the end: the abolition of slavery across the Atlantic led to the steady disappearance of the slave trade in Africa! In this regard it is worth pointing out that within the framework of the 1970 UNESCO Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property, the US Government has just concluded with the Republic of Mali an agreement forbidding import into the USA of certain categories of cultural material illicitly exported from Mali. It deals, in the first place, with terracotta and bronze statuettes from archaeological sites in the Niger valley, and also all objects from the burial caves at Tellem in the Bandiagara cliffs. Unfortunately such arrangements cannot be concluded with those countries in Western Europe which constitute the distribution centre of the illicit traffic for the simple reason that these countries have, for the most part, refused to ratify the 1970 Convention. For its part, the government of Mali has undertaken to inform and educate the population about the concept of cultural heritage. Since January 1994 cultural missions have been established at Djenné, Bandiagara and Timbuktu. These missions are intended to generate interest throughout the country. Despite this, it is worrying to note that certain scientists, archaeologists, art historians, archaeometric laboratories, editors and museums actively support looting because of the the promotion and publicity they produce, the expertise which they bring to the authentication of objects (description and date), or quite simply by ac-quiring them. Their involvement helps make the looted artefacts more saleable. Worse still, today, there are people who, wanting to acquire objects with a clear conscience, suggest that the marketing of pieces could serve to finance archaeological research in Africa! Fortunately, we cannot yet include archaeologists among the supporters of this view. It is true that African countries do not have the means to carry out the archaeological research which would help to protect the still-buried elements of a cultural heritage, but to ask archaeology to feed the art market is to demonstrate total ignorance of the aims of archaeological excavations. The report presented here might give the impression that those engaged in the struggle to protect the cultural heritage are fighting a losing battle. However, there are glimmers of hope. In effect it has been suggested that the attitude of local people changes radically when their cultural relations with archaeological sites are established. For example, although the inland delta of the Niger is the area where looting is most severe, a site such as Toguéré Somo is completely protected simply because it is accepted that it sheltered Sékou Amadou, the founder of the Peul Empire of Macina, just before one of his battles. There are other cases in which the site is believed to be the home of village spirits (for example Djidiè in the Kolokami area). The newly established Cultural Missions, the development of archaeological and historical research, as well as the popular dissemination of results of this research can develop this trend which constitutes the best guarantee for the protection of cultural material since it is ensured by the people themselves. International co-operation like that established by the government of the USA would strengthen this approach. This seems to be the way forward if we are to staunch the outflow of cultural material. ReferencesBrent, M., 1994. Le grand pillage du Mali. Le vif/L'Express January 15, 48-52. Dembélé, M. & K. Sanogo, 1990. Recherches ethno-archéologiques dans la Zone Lacustre (Mali), in Boucle du Niger: Approches Multidisciplinaires, 2. Tokyo: ILCAA. Dembélé, M., A.M. Schmidt & J.D. van der Waals, 1993. Prospections archéologiques dans le delta intérieur du Niger, in Vallées du Niger. Paris: Éditions de la RŽunion des Musées Nationaux, 218-32. MacIntosh, S.K. & R.J. Macintosh, 1986. Dilettantisme et pillage: trafic illicite d'objects d'art anciens du Mali. UNESCO Museum 149, 49-57. Raimbault, M. & K. Sanogo, 1991. Recherches archéologiques au Mali. Paris: Karthala-ACCT. Raimbault, M. & T. Togola, 1989. Les pillages de sites archéologiques au Mali-Jamana. Schmidt, A.M., 1992. Ruimtelijke en kwantitatieve analyse van de 'Projet-Togué'. Memoire de Maîtrise. Leiden: University of Leiden. First posted July 1999; Page design updated September 2006 |
